As protests in Serbia continue to polarize public debate, accusations of foreign interference—particularly implicating Germany and the United Kingdom—have resurfaced in political discourse and tabloid media. In an interview with The Kosovo Dispatch, British Ambassador to Serbia Edward Ferguson addresses these claims, reflects on Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with Serbia, and outlines London’s views on regional integration, NATO cooperation, and Serbia’s geopolitical positioning.
In parts of Serbia’s political spectrum, it is claimed that the “foreign factor,” especially Germany and Great Britain, is behind the protests that have lasted for months. At times, Serbian officials have also suggested that foreign actors are organizing or financing these protests. How do you respond to such accusations?
This is one of the areas where public debate is clearly falling short. Accusations and insinuations appearing in parts of your media, and coming from certain political figures, are completely unfounded and harmful. They undermine efforts to build constructive relations with Serbia and risk creating the impression that British investors and tourists are unwelcome—something that, in my experience, is simply not true.
Let me be absolutely clear: the United Kingdom is neutral with regard to Serbia’s internal politics. We do not organize protests, nor do we finance them. Our aim is to work closely with Serbia’s democratically elected government to strengthen trade, deepen security cooperation, and reinforce cultural ties. As is standard diplomatic practice everywhere, we engage with all those willing to speak with us—government, opposition, business leaders, civil society, academia, and the media.
Our interest is stability, progress, and a European future for Serbia and its citizens. That is why we consistently advocate dialogue and reforms as the best way to strengthen institutions, the rule of law, and Serbia’s European trajectory. But we do not take sides in domestic political contests.
Great Britain is often accused of exerting political influence in the Balkans—both historically and today. Does Britain truly wield such influence in the region?
If there were even a fragment of truth in the conspiracy theories I read in certain sensationalist tabloids or on Russian disinformation portals, I would need a far larger team—and I would certainly need to be paid much more.
Serbia has a rich and complex history, and Britain has at times played a role in it. But I prefer to focus on the present and the future. I would welcome it if the media here did the same.
Britain and Serbia were allies during key moments in history, particularly during the two world wars. Can Belgrade and London still be allies in the full sense of the word today?
I am very proud of the fact that our countries were close allies in both world wars. I often recall The Tragedy of Serbia, written in 1915 by Saint Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović and dedicated to “all English doctors and nurses, soldiers and sailors who sacrificed their lives for Serbia.” Remembering the best moments of our shared history is important.
Today, however, alliance in the strict sense would imply Serbia’s membership in NATO, which I do not see happening in the near future. We fully respect Serbia’s military neutrality; that is your sovereign choice. At the same time, we hope Serbia will continue to deepen military cooperation with both Britain and NATO, as this helps build trust.
I am particularly pleased that Serbian and British soldiers serve together in the UN mission in Cyprus, and that our cooperation in military medicine and defence education is excellent. There is, nevertheless, potential to do more together.
The United Kingdom recently hosted a Berlin Process meeting of Western Balkan foreign ministers. Given that the region has waited decades for closer EU integration, can this process move faster? What are the key obstacles?
I am convinced that regional integration must accelerate, and that this is the most effective way to speed up EU integration for the Western Balkans. Ultimately, this is a matter of political will.
Serbia has improved relations with Albania and Hungary in recent years, but significant work remains in relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Kosovo. I would like to see more concrete cooperation on cross-border infrastructure projects—roads, railways, renewable energy—that connect governments and societies while driving economic development.
Individually, Western Balkan markets are small. Together, as one of Europe’s fastest-growing regions, they can present a compelling proposition to international investors.
Serbia seeks to balance relations with both the West and the East in an increasingly polarized world. Is it realistic to maintain strong ties with Washington, London, Paris, and Berlin while also remaining close to Moscow and Beijing?
It is possible to try to maintain relations with everyone, but that does not eliminate the need for difficult choices. For example, it is neither wise nor sustainable for Serbia to remain overly dependent on Russia for its energy needs. In today’s polarized world, diversification of key suppliers is essential.
We have all seen Russia’s willingness to use energy as a political instrument—even in Serbia, where it has been unwilling to resell NIS despite that being an obvious solution. Serbia has a significant opportunity to accelerate its integration into the European energy market, and I hope it chooses to seize that opportunity.
Editorial Note
This interview was originally published in NIN, on 17 December 2025. The interview has been edited for clarity and length.
